China's Economic and Security Relations With Northeast Asia and Continental Southeast Asia: Thailand, Cambodia, Burma, and Laos, Strategic Objectives and North Korea's Nuclear Capabilities

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Description de l’éditeur

This authoritative report has been professionally converted for accurate flowing-text e-book format reproduction. This U.S. - China Economic and Security Review Commission hearing covered China's economic and security relations with Thailand, Cambodia, Burma, and Laos as well as China's relations with Northeast Asian countries in light of North Korea's nuclearization. It specifically explored how China promotes its strategic objectives in Southeast Asia through economic and diplomatic engagement and how Japan, South Korea, and China have reacted to North Korea's growing nuclear capabilities. At the hearing, the Commissioners heard from the following witnesses: Abraham Denmark, Former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for East Asia; Andrew Scobell, Senior Political Scientist, The Rand Corporation; Balbina Hwang, Professor, American University and Georgetown University; Sheila Smith, Senior Fellow for Japan Studies, Council on Foreign Relations; Murray Hiebert, Senior Advisor and Deputy Director for Southeast Asia, Center for Strategic and International Studies; Yun Sun, Senior Associate, Stimson Center; and Karl Jackson, Professor of Southeast Asia Studies, Johns Hopkins School of Advanced and International Studies.

This compilation includes a reproduction of the 2019 Worldwide Threat Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence Community.

Our first panel will discuss China and Northeast Asia. North Korea is perhaps the most unpredictable and serious security threat the U.S. and its allies currently face. Since January 2016, North Korea has conducted two nuclear tests, 37 missile tests and appears to be on track to develop intercontinental ballistic missiles. The stakes are high for the U.S., but they are also extremely high for China. Although Beijing sees the risk of conflict from the perspective as a patron and ally of the DPRK, any confrontation not only would imperil American and Korean safety and security, there would be catastrophic consequences for China's citizens, sovereignty, stability, and the Communist Party's ambitions to be seen as a global leader. Over many years of living in and studying Korean history and politics, I have made the assumption that Chinese authorities stand alone in their capacity to influence the DPRK leadership's policies and decisions. As North Korea's principal ally, financier, public defender, and dominant trading partner, there is an assumption of both leverage and willingness to influence Kim Jong-un's calculus regarding its nuclear and missile programs. I hope the hearing will add to our understanding of just how much influence Beijing may have, how and when they are willing to exercise it, and in pursuit of what goals?

24 novembre
Progressive Management

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