Is Christian Religious Conservatism Compatible with the Liberal Social Welfare State‪?‬

The pros and cons of welfare reform are hotly debated (Aber, 2000; Bloom, 1997; Hagen, 1999; Seipel, 2000) with results appearing mixed (Acs, Coe, Watson, & Lerman, 1998; Center for Law and Social Policy, 1999; Zedlewski, 1999). Many women have escaped welfare, but often find themselves in dead-end jobs in which they are locked in a struggle over how to pay for increasing necessities (Pavetti, 1998). Some scholars have predicted "dire consequences" for social welfare because of the change to private market solutions (Briar-Lawson, 1998). There is growing evidence that low-income Americans are struggling (Edelman, 2001; Polakow, Kahn, & Martin, 1998; Scherer, 2001). There is little doubt that passage of the l996 Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) (P.L. 104-193) changed the face of welfare. The PRWORA set term limits and ended welfare as an individual entitlement. Although these changes were significant, they have been overshadowed by a growing movement among people who argue for the total devolution of the welfare state in favor of faith-based organizations replacing government as the provider of social welfare. Social work has long advocated against disparities in the economy that create poverty (Dolgoff, Feldstein, & Skolnik, 1993). Despite the many calls for reform of the social welfare state by progressive voices (Abramovitz, 1998), the social welfare state seems poised to move in the direction of private rather than public initiatives (DiIulio, 2001).