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During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, a host of journalists, ministers, medical doctors, businessmen, lawyers, labour leaders, politicians, and others called for an assault on poverty, slums, disreputable boarding houses, alcoholism, prostitution, sweatshop conditions, inadequate educational facilities, and other "social evils." Although they represented an array of political positions and advocated a range of strategies to deal with what they deemed problems, historians have come to term this impulse "urban reform" or the "urban reform movement." Over the past several decades, there have developed two main approaches to the study of this flurry of activity in Canada. Some historians, mostly writing before the mid-1980s, argued that it was an effort to reconstitute "the nation," which arose in response to the anoymity and social conflict and ills apparent in modern, urban-industrial society. More recently, scholars have emphasized that in Canada reform often preceded urban-industrial development, and that the institutions that reformers supported, like later state agencies, were focused upon moral regulation and in particular fostering and sustaining a liberal order premised on patriarchal concepts of gender and related notions of race. This article demonstrates that important as urban industrial development and moral regulation were, understanding reform in Canada requires the addition of another layer of complexity to already existing analyses. In particular, it shows that we must conceive of Canadian reformers and their institutions as rooted in and shaped by a broader and longer history of European, and particularly British, imperialism. Pendant la periode couvrant la fin du dix-neuvieme et le debut du vingtieme siecle, une quantite de journalistes, de ministres, de medecins, d'hommes d' affaires, d'avocats, de dirigeants syndicaux, de politiciens et de membres d'autres professions ont reclame une lutte a la pauvrete, aux taudis, aux pensions de mauvaises reputations, a l' alcoolisme, a la prostitution, aux mauvaises conditions de travail, a l'infrastructure scolaire inadequate et a d'autres plaies sociales. Bien qu'ils aient represente un eventail de positions politiques et preconise toute une gamme de strategies pour s' attaquer a ce qu'ils consideraient des problemes, les historiens en sont venus a nommer ce mouvement " reforme urbaine" ou "mouvement de reforme urbaine". Au cours des decennies passees, les historiens ont developpe deux principales approches dans l'etude de cette activite marquee au Canada. Certains historiens, ecrivant surtout avant le milieu des annees 80, ont avance que ce mouvement correspondait a un effort de reconstruire la nation, en reponse a l'anonymat, aux conflits et aux maux sociaux evidents de la societe moderne, urbaine et industrielle. Plus recemment, les chercheurs ont mis en lumiere qu'au Canada, la reforme a souvent precede des developpements urbains et industriels, et que les institutions soutenues par les reformateurs, comme ulterieurement les agences d'etat, se preccupaient davantage de reglementation en matiere morale, d'assistance familiale et du maintien de l'ordre liberal, relevant de conceptions patriarcales de sexe et de race. Cet article montre que, aussi important que puissent etre le developpement industriel urbain et la reglementation morale, la comprehension de la reforme au Canada au Canada exige que l'on tienne compte d'une composante additionnelle de complexite qui a deja fait l'objet d'analyses. En Particulier, ces analyses montrent que nous devons concevoir les reformateurs canadiens et leurs institutions en tant qu' enracines dans l'histoire de plus grande ampleur de l'imperialisme europeen et en particulier de l'imperialisme britannique.

GENRE
Nonfiction
RELEASED
2008
September 22
LANGUAGE
EN
English
LENGTH
63
Pages
PUBLISHER
Becker Associates
SELLER
The Gale Group, Inc., a Delaware corporation and an affiliate of Cengage Learning, Inc.
SIZE
151.2
KB

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