



Ripe for Revolution
Building Socialism in the Third World
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- $35.99
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- $35.99
Publisher Description
A historical account of ideology in the Global South as the postwar laboratory of socialism, its legacy following the Cold War, and the continuing influence of socialist ideas worldwide.
In the first decades after World War II, many newly independent Asian and African countries and established Latin American states pursued a socialist development model. Jeremy Friedman traces the socialist experiment over forty years through the experience of five countries: Indonesia, Chile, Tanzania, Angola, and Iran.
These states sought paths to socialism without formal adherence to the Soviet bloc or the programs that Soviets, East Germans, Cubans, Chinese, and other outsiders tried to promote. Instead, they attempted to forge new models of socialist development through their own trial and error, together with the help of existing socialist countries, demonstrating the flexibility and adaptability of socialism. All five countries would become Cold War battlegrounds and regional models, as new policies in one shaped evolving conceptions of development in another. Lessons from the collapse of democracy in Indonesia were later applied in Chile, just as the challenge of political Islam in Indonesia informed the policies of the left in Iran. Efforts to build agrarian economies in West Africa influenced Tanzania’s approach to socialism, which in turn influenced the trajectory of the Angolan model.
Ripe for Revolution shows socialism as more adaptable and pragmatic than often supposed. When we view it through the prism of a Stalinist orthodoxy, we miss its real effects and legacies, both good and bad. To understand how socialism succeeds and fails, and to grasp its evolution and potential horizons, we must do more than read manifestos. We must attend to history.
PUBLISHERS WEEKLY
Harvard Business School professor Friedman (Shadow Cold War) delivers an impressively detailed if somewhat inconclusive look at how "fledgling postcolonial governments" in the 1960s and '70s sought to create a "viable model of socialism" for their countries. While newly independent states in Africa, Asia, and Latin America viewed capitalism as a "driving force" of imperialism, their agrarian economies, powerful religious institutions, and lack of "a coherent national identity" made it difficult to follow the Chinese or Soviet models of socialism. Friedman's case studies of how these regimes experimented with socialism include Chile, where Marxist leader Salvador Allende's coalition government collapsed as a result of foreign interference and internal divisions over "the peaceful path to power"; Tanzania, where President Julius Nyerere's program of "forced villagization" resulted in "famine and economic collapse"; and Iran, where Islamism emerged as "an alternative, and potentially superior, anticapitalist and anti-imperialist ideology." Friedman makes a persuasive case that the "process of trial and error" he charts shifted the focus of "liberation movements-cum-ruling parties" from "economic egalitarianism and modernization" to "national, ethnic, and religious self-assertion" and maintaining "single-party dominance," but the significance of this conclusion remains somewhat unclear. Readers will appreciate the nuanced analysis but wonder what to make of it.